But this time, I find it necessary to begin with an introduction, and, moreover, with a personal introduction.
First: the expulsion of the Arabs from Palestine is absolutely impossible in any form. Zionist colonization, even the most restricted, must either be terminated or carried out in defiance of the will of the native population. Two brief remarks: In the first place, if anyone objects that this point of view is immoral, I answer: It is not true; either Zionism is moral and just or it is immoral and unjust. To formulate it any other way would only be hypocrisy. This is, in toto, our policy towards the Arabs. Therefore it is our sacred duty to expose such talk and prove that it is a snare and a delusion. My political relationship is characterized by two principles. Second: I am proud to have been a member of that group which formulated the Helsingfors Program. Only then would these moderate groups come to us with proposals for mutual concessions. stream ", A week following the publication of this essay, Jabotinsky followed with "The Ethics of the Iron Wall," in which he argued that morality comes before everything else, and that Zionism is "moral and just," since it subscribes to "national self-determination" as a "sacred principle," which Arabs may also enjoy. It is an excellent rule to begin an article with the most important point.
All this does not mean that any kind of agreement is impossible, only a voluntary agreement is impossible. Their voluntary agreement is out of the question. Therefore it would be necessary to carry on colonization against the will of the Palestinian Arabs, which is the same condition that exists now. To change that nature is impossible.
The Spaniards who conquered Mexico and Peru, or our own ancestors in the days of Joshua ben Nun behaved, one might say, like plunderers. He detailed the foundation of Zionism and the 'Arab question' arising from the first Zionist… But we can offer neither. Clearly, in this period they are interested in only one thing – that the Arabs not interfere with Jewish immigration. I am prepared to swear, for us and our descendants, that we will never destroy this equality and we will never attempt to expel or oppress the Arabs. The logic employed by this editor is so simple and clear that it should be learned by heart and be an essential part of our notion of the Arab question. Such a proclamation can only harm us. But the native resisted both barbarian and civilized settler with the same degree of cruelty. Concerning money, it is ludicrous to think we could finance the development of Iraq or Saudi Arabia, when we do not have enough for the Land of Israel. Mr. Shlaim spoke about his book [The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World], published by W. W. Norton. We would destroy our cause if we proclaimed the necessity of an agreement, and fill the minds of the Mandatory with the belief that we do not need an iron wall, but rather endless talks. I need recall only one incident. Three years ago, during a visit here, Sokolow delivered a great speech about this very “misunderstanding,” employing trenchant language to prove how grossly mistaken the Arabs were in supposing that we intended to take away their property or expel them from the country, or to suppress them. This colonization can, therefore, continue and develop only under the protection of a force independent of the local population – an iron wall which the native population cannot break through. And since it is moral and just, justice must be done, no matter whether Joseph or Simon or Ivan or Achmet agree with it or not. It is of no importance whether we quote Herzl or Herbert Samuel to justify our activities. Any native people – its all the same whether they are civilized or savage – views their country as their national home, of which they will always be the complete masters. We formulated it, not only for Jews, but for all peoples, and its basis is the equality of all nations. "[1] The only solution to achieve peace and a Jewish state in the Land of Israel, he argued, would be for Jews to first establish a strong Jewish state, which would eventually prompt the Arabs to "drop their extremist leaders, whose watchword is ‘never!’ and pass the leadership to the moderate groups, who will approach us with a proposal that we should both agree to mutual concessions. They look upon Palestine with the same instinctive love and true fervor that any Aztec looked upon his Mexico or any Sioux looked upon his prairie. Even if this were possible, it would not change the basic situation. Another point which had no effect at all was whether or not there existed a suspicion that the settler wished to remove the inhabitant from his land. Ten times more illusionary is political assistance for Arab political aspirations. Colonization itself has its own explanation, integral and inescapable, and understood by every Arab and every Jew with his wits about him. If he should attempt to seek but one instance of a country settled with the consent of those born there he will not succeed. Zionists desire one thing – freedom of immigration – and it is Jewish immigration that we do not want.”. That is what the Arabs in Palestine are doing, and what they will persist in doing as long as there remains a solitary spark of hope that they will be able to prevent the transformation of “Palestine” into the “Land of Israel”.
0 ����2���n;��t[��V����{�p��v��݈^��9��4���]�����4��+k{��z�.o�bL��#��K���@�:��07����� �{9-�Y����m��˱�!�P�(0y�9h�u�-��{�[��2��e/c�X2^�T'B>�0�s��;p���a�G��L�3pn��;�v�+�}�����qn3���z�E&��j���L�Y�7;��!���p��.���8� X-�����?m���X9�k\N�ۛVxet�VҜ���X%Q��i��Z%��!q��{�M#YJ��Ȍ�4p�Pp��fG�}v7�Q�#�4p����� ���C�>�(�9�&�ʻpz��~�9[�H#ҷN�[�N⸖v�7��R�(���G��ζ� ��� Further, the Zionists have pledged to control immigration in accordance with the country's absorptive economic capacity. Compromisers in our midst attempt to convince us that the Arabs are some kind of fools who can be tricked by a softened formulation of our goals, or a tribe of money grubbers who will abandon their birth right to Palestine for cultural and economic gains.
We cannot intrigue about removing Britain from the Suez Canal and the Persian Gulf and the elimination of French and Italian colonial rule over Arab territory. Thus we conclude that we cannot promise anything to the Arabs of the Land of Israel or the Arab countries.
Only when not a single breach is visible in the iron wall, only then do extreme groups lose their sway, and influence transfers to moderate groups. It was originally published in Russian, the language in which Jabotinsky wrote for the Russian press. This depends, not on our relationship with the Arabs, but exclusively on the Arabs’ relationship to Zionism. This childish fantasy of our “Arabo-philes” comes from some kind of contempt for the Arab people, of some kind of unfounded view of this race as a rabble ready to be bribed in order to sell out their homeland for a railroad network. I suggest that he recall all known instances. The inhabitants (no matter whether they are civilized or savages) have always put up a stubborn fight. [3], Zionist Freedom Alliance - Ze’ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky, "Abandoning the Iron Wall: Israel and "The Middle Eastern Muck, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Iron_Wall_(essay)&oldid=926582493, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 17 November 2019, at 10:31. Middle East Archive | Encyclopedia of Trotskyism Nor did we even want a Jewish state. Middle East Archive | Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism. As long as there is a spark of hope that they can get rid of us, they will not sell these hopes, not for any kind of sweet words or tasty morsels, because they are not a rabble but a nation, perhaps somewhat tattered, but still living. These aspirations mean the eradication of every trace of British influence in Egypt and Iraq, the expulsion of the Italians from Libya, the removal of French domination from Syria, Tunis, Algiers and Morocco. We can offer only two things: either money or political assistance or both. All of us, without exception, are constantly demanding that this power strictly fulfill its obligations. %�쏢 To think that the Arabs will voluntarily consent to the realization of Zionism in return for the cultural and economic benefits we can bestow on them is infantile. But those “great explorers,” the English, Scots and Dutch who were the first real pioneers of North America were people possessed of a very high ethical standard; people who not only wished to leave the redskins at peace but could also pity a fly; people who in all sincerity and innocence believed that in those virgin forests and vast plains ample space was available for both the white and red man. It would not change the attitude of the Arabs in the Land of Israel towards us. Contrary to the excellent rule of getting to the point immediately, I must begin this article with a personal introduction. Such a double game cannot be considered on any account. “Just that is what the Zionists want, and what the Arabs do not want.
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